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Politics & Diplomacy

Greek MEP questions whether Turkey uses mosque funding to build influence in Europe

Greek MEP Emmanouil Fragkos has questioned Turkey’s spending on mosques in Europe, arguing that Ankara wants a means of influencing migrants and Muslim communities in Greece and elsewhere. His remarks appeared in a video shared by Visegrád24 on September 15, 2026. The claim about Turkey’s intentions is Fragkos’s assessment, not a finding that applies to Europe’s mosques as a whole.

Illustration: Emmanouil Fragkos speaking at a lectern in the European Parliament, with EU flags behind him
Editorial illustration: Fragkos on Turkish mosque funding in Europe · Disclaimer

What did Fragkos say?

Fragkos asked why Turkey was devoting large sums to building mosques in European countries. He suggested that the spending could give Ankara influence over communities living beyond its borders. The post accompanying the video provides no Europe wide spending figure, list of projects or breakdown of who financed individual buildings.

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A wider argument about foreign influence

In April 2026, Fragkos submitted an individual motion to the European Parliament on protecting places of worship from foreign political interference and state linked influence operations. Parliament explains that individual motions express the position of the member who tables them; submitting one does not mean the proposal became EU law.

Fragkos later wrote an opinion article for Visegrád24 about a mosque project in Strasbourg. That article sets out his political argument, but does not establish that every foreign funded mosque serves a government’s agenda. The issue he raises is how to scrutinize funding and institutional independence while distinguishing claims about a state from the worshippers who use a mosque.

Why the source of funding matters

The question raised by Fragkos goes beyond the cost of a building. A serious examination would need to establish who pays for construction, who owns the completed property and who controls the organisation running it. A donation from a private individual, support from a religious association and funding directed by a government are different arrangements. Treating them as interchangeable would obscure the very relationships that scrutiny is meant to uncover.

Construction costs alone would also leave part of the picture missing. To assess institutional independence, investigators would need to examine any conditions attached to donations and the arrangements for appointing managers or religious personnel. These are questions for documentary evidence, rather than conclusions that can be drawn from the size of a mosque or the nationality of its congregation.

What would establish political influence?

A documented financial connection would be a starting point, not a complete explanation of how an institution operates. Establishing political influence would require evidence linking that support to decisions, instructions or activities. Relevant material could include accounts, governance documents and statements from the organisations concerned.

That distinction gives the debate a practical focus: transparency over money and decision making. Fragkos is asking European audiences to scrutinise Ankara’s intentions. Assessing his argument requires tracing specific relationships and allowing the institutions involved to respond, without assuming that worshippers share the political objectives attributed to a foreign government.

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